Online Biblical studies Rise of the Hugenots 40

 All videos -La Planche, 361, 362; La Place, 67. The latter and J. de Serres, i. 129, are certainly wrong in attributing this passionate menace to the Cardinal of Lorraine. De Thou, ii. 802; Castelnau, 1. ii., c. 8.

[900] La Planche, etc., ubi supra. Calvin to Bullinger, Oct. 1, 1560 (Bonnet, iv. 136).

[901] La Planche, 362, 363; La Place, 67; J. de Serres, De statu rel. et reip., i. 128-131; De Thou, ii. 802, 803. After seeing the head instigator of persecution, still gory with the blood of the recent slaughter, assume with such effrontery the language of pity and toleration, we may be prepared for his duplicity at the interview of Saverne. The compiler of the Hist. ecclés. (i, 179) explains the consent of the Guises to the convocation of the estates by supposing them to have hoped by this measure not merely to take away the excuse of their opponents, but, by obtaining a majority, to secure the declaration of Navarre and Condé as rebels, whether they came or declined to appear. Calvin (letter to Bullinger, ubi supra, p. 137) gives the same view. So does Barbaro: "Forse non tanto per volontà che s'avesse d'esseguirle quanto per adomentare gli risvegliati, et guadagnar, come si fece." The Pope and Philip violently opposed the plan "perchè nè l'uno nè l'altro sapeva il secreto." "By the plan of the council, ... they succeeded in feeding with vain hopes (dar pasto) those who sought to make innovations in the faith." Rel. des Amb. Vén., i. 524, society, bible society, bible society,

[902] La Planche, 363, 364; La Place, 68; De Thou, ii. 803 (liv. xxv). Cf. the edict in full apud Négociations sous François II., 486-490; also a letter of Francis in which he explains his course to Philip II., ib. 490-497.

[903] The cardinal had, however, made a somewhat similar discourse, just about six months before, to Throkmorton, much to the good knight's disgust. He had expressed a recognition of the faults prevalent in the church, and pretended to be desirous of reforming it in an orderly manner. "I am not so ignorant," he said, "nor so led with errors that reigne, as the world judgeth." He declared himself in favor of a general council, and spoke with satisfaction of an edict just despatched to Scotland, "to surcease the punishment of men for religion." "And of this purpose," adds the ambassador with pardonable sarcasm, "he made suche an oration as it were long to write, evon as thoughe he had bene hired by the Protestants to defend their cause earnestly!" Despatch to the queen, Feb. 27, 1559/60, Forbes, State Papers, i. 337, 338.

[904] Sommaire récit de la calomnieuse accusation de M. le prince de Condé, Mémoires de Condé, ii. 373; Languet, ii. 66.

[905] Throkmorton to Cecil, Sept. 3, 1560, State Paper Office; La Place, 68, 69; La Planche, 345, 346; De Thou, ii. 804-806; Castelnau, 1. ii., c. 7.

[906] La Planche, p. 375. Instructions to M. de Crussol, going by order of the king to the King of Navarre, Aug. 30, 1560, apud Négoc. sous François II., pp. 482-486. The beginning of this paper, directing Crussol to express regret that Navarre had not come to the council of Fontainebleau, and to announce the result of its recommendations, is sufficiently conciliatory. If, however, Navarre should hesitate to obey the summons, the agent was bidden to frighten him into compliance. On the first show of resistance, 

Francis would collect his own troops, consisting of thirty thousand or forty thousand foot, and seven hundred or eight hundred horse, expected levies of ten thousand Swiss, and six thousand or seven thousand German lansquenets. Philip had assured him of the assistance of all his forces, foot and horse, both from the side of Netherlands and of Spain. The Dukes of Lorraine, Savoy, and Ferrara would bring fourteen thousand to sixteen thousand foot and one thousand five hundred horse. The king's arrangements were complete, and he was resolved to make an example. The arrest of La Sague was, however, not to be mentioned. Letter of Francis to the King of Navarre, Aug. 30, in Recueil des choses mém. (1565), 75, 76, and Mém. de Condé, i. 573.

[907] See the message in cipher appended to a despatch to the French ambassador at Madrid, Aug. 31, 1560, apud Nég. sous François II., pp. 490-497. The discovery is said to have been made within five or six days. Condé is implicated. Against Navarre there is as yet no proof. The Queen of England, is suspected of complicity, despite the recent treaty (of July 23d, by which Mary, Queen of Scots, renounced her claims upon the crown of England). The affright of the Guises may be judged from the circumstance that two copies of the despatch were forwarded—one by Guyenne, the other by Languedoc—so that at least one might reach its destination.

[908] Thomas Shakerly, the Cardinal of Ferrara's organist, sent him budgets of news not less regularly than the secretary of the Duke of Savoy's ambassador at Venice supplied the English agent copies of all the most important letters his master received. See the interesting letter of John Shers to Cecil, Venice, Jan. 18, 1561, State Paper Office.

[909] Throkmorton to queen, Poissy, Oct. 10, 1560, State Paper Office.

[910] In a despatch to his ambassador at Madrid, Sept. 18, 1560 (Négoc. sous François II., 523, etc.), Francis states that 1,000 or 1,200 armed soldiers had been posted in sixty-six houses, ready to sally out by night, capture the city, and open the gates to 2,000 men waiting outside. Of course, according to the king or his ministers, the object was plunder, and the enterprise a fair specimen of Huguenot sanctity.

[911] La Planche, 365-368; La Place, 69; Nég. sous François II., ubi supra; Mém. de Castelnau, 1. ii., c. 9; Languet, ii. 70; De Thou, ii. 806. Calvin, in a letter to Beza (Sept. 10, 1560), seems to allude, though not by name, to Maligny, and to condemn his rashness; but the passage is purposely too obscure to throw much light upon the matter. Bonnet, iv. 126, etc.

[912] Letter of the king, apud Négoc. sous François II., 580, 581.

[913] The curious reader may task his ingenuity in deciphering the somewhat remarkable spelling in which the count quaintly relates the occurrence in question: "Aytant o Pont-Sainct-Esperit, je trouvis entre les mains de Rocart, capitayne de là, deux charges de mulles de livres de Genaive, fort bien reliez: toutefoys cela ne les en carda que je ne les fice toux brûler, comensent le prumier à les maytre o fu; de coe je fu bien suivi de monsieur de Joyeuse, vous asseurent qu' ill i en avoet beocoup de la copagnie qu'il les playnoet fort, les estiment plus de mille aycus: pour sayte foys-là je ne les voullus croere." Letter of Villars to the constable, Oct. 12, 1560, apud Négoc. sous François II., p. 655.

[914] On Sunday, the 28th of July, a gathering composed almost entirely of women was discovered. Nothing daunted, 1,200 persons met the next night, with torches and open doors, in the large school-rooms, where their pastor, Maupeau, preached an appropriate sermon from Rev. vi. 9, on "the souls of them that were slain for the word of God." Soon the same place was resorted to by day. Summoned before the magistrates, judge, and consuls, the Huguenots declared their loyalty, but said that they had no idea that the king wanted to dictate to the conscience, which belongs to God. Presently the church of St. Michael was seized. Then the Cardinal of Lorraine (Oct. 14th) wrote to the bishop, telling him to call upon M. de Villars for aid in suppressing assemblies and the preaching. Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., i. 207-210.

[915] They are Nismes, Montpellier, Montagnac, Annonay, Castres, Marsillargues, Aigues Mortes, Pézénas, Gignac, Sommières, St. Jean de Gardonnenches, Anduze, Vauvers (Viviers?), Uzès, and Privas.

[916] Sommaire des instructions données à Pignan envoyé au roy par Honorat de Savoye, Cte. de Villars, Oct. 15, 1560, apud Négoc. sous François II., 659-661.

[917] On hearing of the seizure of Aigues Mortes by treachery. Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., i. 211.

[918] Letters of De Villars to the Guises, Oct. 27 and 29, 1560. Nég. sous François II., 671.

[919] Letter of the king to the Cte. de Villars, November 9, 1560. Ib., p. 673.

[920] H. Barnsleye to Cecil, August 28, 1560, State Paper Office.

[921] I know of no more scathing exposure of the morals of the clergy than that given by François Grimaudet, the representative of the Tiers État of Anjou, and inserted verbatim in La Planche, 389-396. It was honored by being made the object of a special censure of the Sorbonne!

[922] La Planche, 387-397; Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., i. 199.

[923] Remonstrances, plaintes, et doléançes de l'estat ecclés., MSS. Arch. du départ, de la Vienne, Hist. des Protestants et des églises réf. du Poitou, par A. Lièvre (Poitiers, 1856), i. 84, 85.

[924] Geneva MS., apud Baum, Theodor Beza, ii. 110.

[925] See the interesting passage in the Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., i. 204.

[926] "As touching the occurrents of this Court, it may please your Majesty to be advertised, that the King of Navarre being on his way to this Court, hath had letters, as I am informed, written unto him, of great good opinion conceived of him by this King, with all other kind of courtesies, to cause him to repair thither." Despatch of Sir Nicholas Throkmorton, Orleans, Nov. 17, 1560, Hardwick, State Papers, i. 138.

[927] The portrait of this personage is painted in no flattering colors by Calvin in two letters, to Sulcer, Oct. 1, 1560 ("whose mind is more lumpish than a log, unless when it is a little quickened by wine"), and to Bullinger, of the same date ("one whom you might easily mistake for a cask or a flagon, so little has he the shape of a human being"). Bonnet, Eng. tr., iv. 131-135.

[928] The despatches that passed between the court and the French ambassador in Spain reveal the general alarm. Oct. 4th, Cardinal Lorraine expects Navarre and Condé within the first half of the month, "dont je suis fort ayse." Oct. 5th, Francis writes that, within two days, he has heard that they intend carrying out their enterprise. Oct. 9th, the secretary of state complains of "fresh alarm daily." Négoc. sous François II., 604-607, 610, 650. Others were, in the end, as much astounded as the Guises at Navarre's pacific attitude. Throkmorton, writing to the privy council that this king was looked for shortly at Orleans, adds that all bruits of trouble by him were clean appeased, which caused great marvel. Despatch to privy council, Paris, Oct. 24, 1560, State Paper Office.

[929] Letter of Bishop of Limoges to the Cardinal of Lorraine, Sept. 26, 1560, apud Négotiations sous François II., 562: "Je vous supplie de croire que le roy et mes seigneurs de son conseil [i. e., Francis and the Guises] ne feront rien pour extirper un tel mal qui ne soit icy [in Spain] bien pris et receu à l'endroict de qui que ce soit [sc. Navarre and Condé]: tant ceux-cy craignent qu'il y ait changement en notre religion et estat." Cf. also pp. 551, 552.

[930] Négociations sous François II., 553, 554.

[931] Instructions of the king to M. de La Burie, commanding in Guyenne, Sept., 1560, apud Négociations sous François II., 578-580; also Ib., 644.

[932] La Planche, 377.

[933] La Planche, 375; Baum, Theodor Beza, ii. 120-123, whose account of this episode in the reformer's life is well written and interesting. For the general facts above stated the best authority is, as usual, La Planche, 373-377; see also La Place, 71; De Thou, ii. 807, 827; Hist. ecclés., i. 205; Castelnau, l. ii., c. 9; Davila, 34, 35; Calvin's Letters (Bonnet), iv., pp. 132, 137, 143, 147-151.

[934] Calvin to Bullinger, Dec. 4th, and to Sulcer, Dec. 11, 1560 (Bonnet, iv. 149 and 151).

[935] La Planche, 377; Agrippa d'Aubigné, liv. ii., c. 19.

[936] La Planche, ubi supra.

[937] Sommaire récit de la calomnieuse accusation de M. le prince de Condé, in the Recueil des choses mém. (1565), 722-754, and Mémoires de Condé, ii. 373-395—a contemporaneous account by one who speaks of himself as "ayant assisté à la conduicte de la plus grand part de tout le négoce."

[938] "Nevertheless, upon his coming, being accompanied with his brethren, the Cardinal of Bourbon and Prince of Condé, after they have [had] done their reverence to the king and queens, the Prince of Condé was brought before the council, who committed him forthwith prisoner to the guard of Messrs. de Bresy and Chauveney, two captains of the guard, and their companies of two hundred archers." Despatch of Sir Nicholas Throkmorton, ubi supra.

[939] "The King of Navarre goeth at liberty, but as it were a prisoner." Despatch of Sir Nich. Throkmorton, ubi supra. "Tanquam captivus." Same to Lord Robert Dudley, same date, State Paper Office.

[940] La Place, 73; La Planche, 380, 381; Castelnau, 1. ii., c. 10.

[941] La Place, 74: La Planche and Castelnau, ubi supra; Sommaire récit, ubi supra. "Madame de Roy (Roye), the Admiral of France his sister ... is taken and constituted prisoner." Despatch of Sir Nich. Throkmorton, Orleans, November 17, 1560, Hardwick, State Papers, i. 139.

[942] "The Dutchess of Ferrara, mother to the Duke that now is, according to that I wrote heretofore to your Majesty, is arrived at this Court, the 7th of this present, and was received by the King of Navarre, the French King's brethren, and all the great Princes of this Court." Ubi supra.

[943] Brantôme, Femmes illustres, Renée de France; La Planche, 381; La Place, 74; "que si elle y eust esté, elle l'eust empesché, et que ceste playe saigneroit long temps après, d'autant que jamais homme ne s'estoit attaché au sang de France, qu'il ne s'en fust trouvé mal." De Thou, ii. 830.

[944] "He remaineth close in a house, and no man permitted to speak with him; and his process is in hand. And I hear he shall now be committed to the castle of Loches, the strongest prison in all this realm." Sir Nich. Throkmorton, November 17, 1560, ubi supra, i. 138.

[945] La Place, 75, ubi supra; De Thou, ii. 832, 833 (liv. 26); Sommaire récit, ubi supra.

[946] La Planche, 402.

[947] Ib., 401; La Place, 75; Sommaire récit, ubi supra.

[948] La Planche, 400; Castelnau, liv. ii., c. 10.

[949] Sommaire récit, ubi supra. "For, being a prince of the blood, he said, his process was to be adjudged either by the Princes of the blood or by the twelve Peers; and therefore willed the Chancellor and the rest to trouble him no further." Throkmorton, Nov. 28, 1560, Hardwick, State Papers, i. 151. Castelnau (liv. ii., c. 11) has, by a number of precedents, proved the validity of this claim.

[950] Mémoires de Condé, i. 619, containing the royal arrêt of Nov. 20th, rejecting Condé's demand; Sommaire récit. The (subsequent) First President of parliament, Christopher de Thou, was, after Chancellor L'Hospital, the leading member of the commission. His son, the historian, may be pardoned for dismissing the unpleasant subject with careful avoidance of details. La Planche makes no mention of the chancellor in connection with the case, but records Condé's indignant remonstrance against so devoted a servant of the Guises as the first president acting as judge.

[951] La Planche, 399.

[952] La Planche, 401; Davila, 37, 38; Castelnau, l. ii., c. 12. The unanimous voice of contemporary authorities, and the accounts given by subsequent historians, are discredited by De Thou alone (ii. 835, 836), who expresses the conviction, based upon his recollection of his father's statement, that the sentence was drawn up, but never signed. He also represents Christopher de Thou as suggesting to Condé his appeal from the jurisdiction of the commission, and opposing the violent designs of the Guises.

[953] La Planche, 401; Castelnau, liv. ii., c. 12.

[954] La Planche, 405, 406, has preserved this striking speech, which I have somewhat condensed in the text. Agrippa d'Aubigné, Histoire universelle, ubi supra.

[955] La Planche, it may be noticed, leans to this supposition. Ibid., 405.

[956] Ibid., 406; D'Aubigné, ubi supra.

[957] See Michele Suriano's account, Rel. des Amb. Vén., i. 528. The ambassador seems to have entertained no doubt of the complete success that would have crowned the movement had Francis's life been spared: "Il quale, se vivea un poco più, non solamente averia ripresso, ma estinto dal tutto quell' incendio che ora consuma il regno." The Spanish ambassador, Chantonnay, writing to his master, Nov., 1560, confirms the statements of Protestant contemporaries respecting the plan laid out for the destruction of the Bourbons, and then of the admiral and his brother D'Andelot; but the wily brother of Cardinal Granvelle, much as he would have rejoiced at the destruction of the heads of the Huguenot faction, was alarmed at the wholesale proscription, and expressed grave fears that so intemperate and violent a course would provoke a serious rebellion, and perhaps give rise to a forcible intervention in French affairs, on the part of Germany or England. "Pero á mi paresce que seria mas acertado castigar poco á poco los culpados que prender tantos de un golpe, porque assi se podrian meter en desesperacion sus parientes, y causar alguna grande rebuelta y admitir mas facilmente las platicas de fuera del reyno ... o de Alemania o de Inglaterra." Papiers de Simancas, apud Mignet, Journal des Savants, 1859, p. 39.

[958] Mém. de Castelnau, liv. ii., c. 12; La Planche, 404; Mémoires de Mergey (Collection Michaud and Poujoulat), 567. The Count of La Rochefoucauld, hearing through the Duchess of Uzès—a bosom confidant of Catharine, but a woman who was not herself averse to the Reformation—that Francis had remarked that the count "must prepare to say his Credo in Latin," had made all his arrangements to pass from Champagne into Germany with his faithful squire De Mergey, both disguised as plain merchants.

[959] La Planche, 404; De Thou, ii. 835 (liv. xxvi.). The latter does not place implicit confidence in these reports, while conceding that subsequent events would induce a belief that they were not destitute of a foundation. According to Throkmorton, also, writing to Cecil, Sept. 3, 1560, the chief burden was to rest with the clergy, who gave eight-tenths of the whole subsidy. State Paper Office.

[960] Ibid., 403; De Thou, iii. 82.

[961] Throkmorton's despatches from Orleans, several frequently sent off on a single day, acquaint us with the rapid progress of the king's disease, and the cold calculations based upon it. "The constitution of his body," he writes in the third of his letters that bear date Nov. 28th (Hardwick, State Papers, i. 156), "is such, as the physicians do say he cannot be long-lived: and thereunto he hath by his too timely and inordinate exercise now in his youth, added an evil accident; so as there be that do not let to say, though he do recover this sickness, he cannot live two years; whereupon there is plenty of discourses here of the French Queen's second marriage; some talk of the Prince of Spain, some of the Duke of Austrich, others of the Earl of Arran." No wonder that cabinet ministers and others often grew weary of the interminable debates respecting the marriages of queens regnant, and that William Cecil, as early as July, 1561, wrote respecting Queen Bess: "Well, God send our Mistress a husband, and by time a son, that we may hope our posterity shall have a masculine succession. This matter is too big for weak folks, and too deep for simple." Hardwick, State Papers, i. 174.

[962] Throkmorton to Chamberlain, Nov. 21, 1560. British Museum.

[963] De Thou, ii. 833, etc. (liv. 26); D'Aubigné, liv. ii., c. 20, p. 103.

[964] On the 17th of Nov. Throkmorton had written: "The house of Guise practiseth by all the means they can, to make the Queen Mother Regent of France at this next assembly; so as they are like to have all the authority still in their hands, for she is wholly theirs." Hardwick, State Papers, i. 140. D'Aubigné (ubi supra), who attributes to the sagacious counsel of Chancellor de l'Hospital the credit of influencing Catharine to take this course.

[965] I must refer the reader for the details of this remarkable interview and its results, which, it must be noted, Catharine insisted on Antoine's acknowledging over his signature, to the Histoire de l'Estat de France, tant de la république que de la religion, sous le règne de François II., commonly attributed to Louis Regnier de la Planche (pp. 415-418)—a work whose trustworthiness and accuracy are above reproach, and respecting which my only regret is that its valuable assistance deserts me at this point of the history.

[966] Ibid., 413.

[967] The words in the text are those of Calvin, in a letter to Sturm, written Dec. 16, 1560, not many days after the receipt of the astonishing intelligence. "Did you ever read or hear," he says, "of anything more opportune than the death of the king? The evils had reached an extremity for which there was no remedy, when suddenly God shows himself from heaven! He who pierced the eye of the father has now stricken the ear of the son." Bonnet, Calvin's Letters, Am. ed., iv. 152.

[968] Evidently the Guises had acquiesced with so much alacrity in the convocation of the States General only because of their confidence in their power to intimidate any party that should undertake to oppose them. Chantonnay, the Spanish ambassador, informed Philip of this before Francis's death, and gave the Cardinal of Lorraine as his authority for the statement: "Le ha dicho el cardenal de Lorrena que para aquel tiempo avria aqui tanta gente de guerra y se daria tal órden que a qualquiera que quiziesse hablar se le cerrasse la boca, y assi ne se hiziesse mas dello que ellos quiziessen." Simancas MSS., apud Mignet, Journal des savants, 1859, p. 40.

[969] Letter of Beza to Bullinger, Jan. 22, 1561, Baum, ii., App., 18.

[970] From Nov. 20th to Dec. 1st, De la Place, 77, 78.

[971] La Planche, 418.

[972] "Si possible estoit," wrote Calvin, "il seroit bon de leur faire veiller le corps da trespassé, comme ils out faict jouer ce rosle aux aultres." Letter to ministers of Paris, Lettres franchises, ii. 347.

[973] "Lutherano more sepultus Lutheranorum hostis." Letter of Beza to Bullinger, ubi supra, p. 19. "Dont advint un brocard: que le roy, ennemy mortel des huguenauds, n'avoit pen empescher d'estre enterré à la huguenaute." La Planche, 421.

[974] De la Place, 76.

[975] "De consentir que une femme veuve, une estrangère et Italienne domine, non-seulement il luy tourneroit à grand déshonneur, mais à un tel préjudice de la couronne, qu'il en seroit blasmé à jamais." Calvin to the ministers of Paris, Lettres fr., ii. 346.

[976] Commentarii del regno di Francia, probably written early in 1562, in Tommaseo, Rel. des Amb. Vén., i. 552-554.

[977] Calvin, who read his contemporaries thoroughly, wrote to Bullinger (May 24, 1561): "Rex Navarræ non minus segnis aut flexibilis quam hactenus liberalis est promissor; nulla fides, nulla constantia, etsi enim videtur interdum non modo viriles igniculos jacere, sed luculentam flammam spargere, mox evanescit. Hoc quando subinde accidit non aliter est metuendus quam prævaricator forensis. Adde quod totus est venereus," etc. Baum, vol. ii., App., 32.

[978] Letter of Francis Hotman, Strasbourg, December 31, 1560, to the King of Navarre, Bulletin, ix. (1860) 32.

[979] "En quoy il fault que je vous dye que le roy de Navarre, qui est le premier, et auquel les lois du royaume donnent beaucoup d'avantage, s'est si doulcement et franchement porté à mon endroict, que j'ay grande occasion de m'en contenter, s'estant du tout mis entre mes mains et despouillé du pouvoir et d'auctorité soubz mon bon plaisir.... Je l'ay tellement gaigné, que je fais et dispose de luy tout ainsy qu'il me plaist." Letter of Catharine to the Bishop of Limoges, December 19, 1560, ap. Négociations relat. au règne de Fr. II., p. 786, 787.

[980] "Encore que je souy contraynte d'avoyr le roy de Navarre auprès de moy, d'aultent que lé louys de set royaume le portet ynsin, quant le roy ayst en bas ayage, que les prinse du sanc souyt auprès de la mère; si ne fault-y qu'il entre en neule doulte, car y m'é si aubéysant et n'a neul comendement que seluy que je luy permès." The fact that this letter was written by Catharine's own hand well accounts for the spelling. Négociations, etc., 791.

[981] Mémoires de Castelnau, liv. iii., c. 2. In July, 1561, the salaries of the officers of the Parliament of Paris were in arrears for nearly a year and a half. Mémoires de Condé (Edit. Michaud et Poujoulat), 579.

[982] "Che certo non può più." Relaz. di Giovanne Michele, ap. Tommaseo, Relations des Amb. Vén., i. 408.

[983] And yet—such are the inconsistencies of human character—this queen, whose nature was a singular compound of timidity, hypocrisy, licentiousness, malice, superstition, and atheism, would seem at times to have felt the need of the assistance of a higher power. If Catharine was not dissembling even in her most confidential letters to her daughter, it was in some such frame of mind that she recommended Isabella to pray to God for protection against the misfortunes that had befallen her mother. The letter is so interesting that I must lay the most characteristic passage under the reader's eye. The date is unfortunately lost. It was written soon after Charles's accession: "Pour se, ma fille, m'amye, recommendé-vous bien à Dyeu, car vous m'avés veue ausi contente come vous, ne pensent jeamès avoyr aultre tryboulatyon que de n'estre asés aymayé à mon gré du roy vostre père, qui m'onoret pluls que je ne merités, mes je l'aymé tant que je avés tousjour peur, come vous savés fayrement asés: et Dyeu me l'a haulté, et ne se contente de sela, m'a haulté vostre frère que je aymé come vous savés, et m'a laysée aveque troys enfans petys, et en heun reaume (un royaume) tout dyvysé, n'y ayent heum seul à qui je me puise du tout fyer, qui n'aye quelque pasion partycoulyère." God alone, she goes on to say, can maintain her happiness, etc. Négociations, etc., 781, 782.

[984] "C'est folie d'espérer paix, repos et amitié entre les personnes qui sont de diverses religions.... Deux François et Anglois qui sont d'une mesme religion, ont plus d'affection et d'amitié entre eux que deux citoyens d'une mesme ville, subjects à un mesme seigneur, qui seroyent de diverses religions." La Place, p. 85; Histoire ecclés., i. 264.

[985] Yet the Huguenots, more enlightened than the chancellor, while not renouncing the notion that the civil magistrate is bound to maintain the true religion, justly censured L'Hospital's statements as refuted by the experience of the greater part of the world. "Disaient davantage, qu'à la vérité, puisqu'il n'y a qu'une vraye religion à laquelle tous, petite et grands, doivent viser, le magistrat doit sur toutes choses pourvoir à ce qu'elle seule soit avouée et gardée aux pays de sa sujettion; mais ils niaient que de là il fallût conclure qu'amitié aucune ni paix ne pût être entre sujets de diverses religions, se pouvant vérifier le contraire tant par raisons péremptoires, que par expérience du temps passé et présent en la plupart du monde." Histoire ecclés., i. 268.

[986] "Ostons ces mots diaboliques, noms de parts, factions et séditions; luthériens, huguenauds, papistes; ne changeons le nom de chrestien." La Place, p. 87.

[987] The chancellor's address is given in extenso in Pierre de la Place, Commentaires de l'estat de la religion et république pp. 80-88; and in the Histoire ecclés. des égl. réf., i. 257-268. De Thou, iii. (liv. xxvii.) 3-7. "Habuit longam orationem Cancellarius," says Beza, "in qua initio quidem pulchre multa de antiquo regni statu disseruit, sed mox aulicum suum ingenium prodidit." Letter to Bullinger, Jan. 22, 1561, Baum, Theod. Beza, ii. App., 19. Prof. Baum has shown (vol. ii., p. 159, note) that this last assertion is fully borne out by portions of the speech, even when viewed quite independently of the impatience naturally felt by a Huguenot when an enlightened statesman undertook to sail a middle course where justice was so evidently on one side. I refer, for instance, to that extraordinary passage in which L'Hospital speaks of the treatment to which the Protestants had hitherto been subjected as so gentle, "qu'il semble plus correction paternelle que punition. Il n'y a eu ni portes forcées, ny murailles de villes abbattues, ni maisons bruslées, ny priviléges ostés aux villes, commes les princes voisins ont faict de nostre temps en pareils troubles et séditions." La Place, ubi supra, p. 87. See other points specified in Histoire ecclés., ubi supra.

[988] La Place, 88.

[989] Ib., 79; Hist. ecclés., i. 269, 270; Beza to Bullinger, Jan. 22, 1561, ubi supra: "quam ipsius audaciam cum nobilitas et plebs magno cum fremitu repulisset, indignatus ille ne suæ quidem Ecclesiæ patrocinium suscipere voluit."

[990] This was on the 1st day of Jan., 1561: "Habuerunt hi singuli suas orationes publice, sedente rege et delecto ipsius concilio, Calendis Januarii." Letter of Beza, ubi supra, p. 20.

[991] All previous legislation appears to have proved fruitless. "Wheresoever the carcase is, there will the eagles be gathered together." It was all in vain to endeavor to confine the gay and aspiring ecclesiastics to the provinces, so long as promotion was only to be found at Paris and worldly pleasures in the large cities. An edict of 1557, enjoining residence, Haton tells us, had little effect. It was obeyed only by the poorest and most obscure of the curates, and by them only for a short time. The great were not able to observe it, if they would. How could they? They could not have told on which benefice to reside, for they held many. "Ung homme seul tenoit un archevesché, un évesché et trois abbayes tout ensemble; ung aultre deux ou trois cures, avec aultant de prieurez, le tout par permission et dispense du pape.... Et pour ce ne sçavoient auquel desditz bénéfices ilz debvoient résider." Mém. de Claude Haton, i. 91.

[992] La Place, Commentaries, 89-93; De Thou, iii. (liv. xxvii.) 8-10, Hist. ecclés., i. 277-279.

[993] La Place, Commentaires, 89; De Thou, iii. (liv. xxvii.) 8-10; Hist. ecclés., i. 277, 279. None of these authors give more than a very imperfect sketch of L'Ange's harangue. Beza, in the letter more than once referred to above, says: "Nobilitatem ferunt valde fortiter et libere locutam, sed plebs imprimis graviter et copiose disseruit de rerum omnium perturbatione, de intolerabili quorundam potentia, etc.... adeo ut omnes audientes valde permoverit." Baum, Theod. Beza, ii., App., 20, 21.

[994] "Quasi noyés de telles trop fréquentes inondations des infectées lagunes de Genève." The mention of the heretical capital requires an apology on the part of our pious orator, and he adds in Latin, after the fashion of other parts of his mongrel address: "Desplicet aures vestras et os meum fœdasse vocabulo tam probroso, sed ex ecclesiarum præscripto cogor." La Place, 101.

[995] "Encores, Sire, vous supplierons-nous très-humblement pour ce tant bon et tant obéissant peuple françois, duquel Dieu (vostre père et le leur aussi) vous a faict seigneur et roy; prenez en pitié, sire, et soublevez un peu les charges que dès long temps ils portent patiemment. Pour Dieu, sire, ne permettez que ce tiers pied de vostre throne soit aucunement foulé, meurtry ny brisé." La Place, 108.

[996] Quintin's speech is given in full by La Place, 93-109; Hist. ecclés., i. 270-274; De Thou, iii., liv. xxvii., 11, etc. Letter of Beza to Bullinger, ubi supra.

[997] "Son discours, qu'il lut presque tout entier, fut long et ennuyeux.... rempli de lonanges fades, et de flatteries outrées, fit rougir, et ennuya les assistans." De Thou, iii. 11, 12. Quintin's address drew forth from the Protestants a written reply, directed to the queen, exposing his "ignorance, calumnies, and malicious omissions." It is inserted in Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., i. 275-277.

[998] La Place, 109, 112; De Thou, iii. 12, 14; Hist. eccl., i. 280.

[999] Beza, Letter to Bullinger, Geneva, Jan. 22, 1561; Baum, Th. Beza, ii., App., 21, 22; Calvin to Ministers of Paris, Lettres franç., ii. 348.

[1000] "Hanc supplicationem, scribitur ad nos, Regina ex Amyraldi manu acceptam promisisse se Concilio exhibituram, et magna omnium spes est nobis omnia hæc concessum iri, modo privatis locis et sine tumultu pauci simul conveniant.... Ita brevi futurum spero ut Gallia tandem Regem et nomine et re christianissimum habeat." Beza, ubi supra.

[1001] Catharine's fears that the States would enter upon the discussion of matters affecting her regency undoubtedly had much to do with this action (Hist. ecclés. des églises réf., i. 280: "qu'on craignoit vouloir passer plus outre en d'autres affaires qu'on ne vouloit remuer"). Ostensibly in order to avoid confusion and expense, each of the thirteen principal provinces was to depute only two delegates to Pontoise.

[1002] Letter of Charles IX., Jan. 28, 1561, Mémoires de Condé, ii. 268.

[1003] March 1st, "puysque la volunté du Roy est," Mém. de Condé, ii. 273. When the secretary of state, Bourdin, brought to parliament the mandates of Charles and Catharine from Fontainebleau, of Feb. 13th and 14th, ordering its registry, he stated that Charles had granted this document "at the urgent prayer of the three estates, and in order to obviate and provide against troubles and divisions, while waiting for the decision of the General Council granted by the Pope." On the 22d of February a new missive of the king was received in parliament, enjoining the publication of the letter of January 28th, with the modification that any of the liberated prisoners that would not consent to live in a Catholic fashion must leave the kingdom under pain of the halter. Mém. de Condé, ii. 271, 272.

[1004] Calvin, Mémoire aux églises réf. de France, Dec., 1560, Lettres franç. (Bonnet), ii. 350.

[1005] Letter of Calvin to brethren of Paris, Feb. 26, 1561, ap. Baum, ii., App., 26; Bonnet, Lettres fr. de Calvin, ii. 378, etc.

[1006] "E benchè la più parte fossero ignoranti, e predicasse mille pazzie, però ogn'uno aveva il suo séguito." Michel Suriano, Commentarii del regno di Francia, Relations des Amb. Vén. (Tommaseo), i. 532. M. Tommaseo supposes this relation to belong to 1561, and mentions the somewhat remarkable opinion of others that it was somewhere between 1564 and 1568. The document itself gives the most decided indications that it was written in the early part of 1562, before the outbreak of the first civil war—indeed, before the return of the Guises to court. After stating that Charles IX. when he ascended the throne was ten years old (page 542), the author says that he is now eleven and a half. The proximate date would, therefore, seem to be January or February, 1562. Throkmorton wrote to the queen, Paris, Nov. 14, 1561, that "the Venetians had sent Marc Antonio Barbaro to reside there, in the place of Sig. Michaeli Soriano." State Paper Office MSS.

[1007] Gaberel, Histoire de l'église de Genève, i., pièces just., p. 201-203, from the Archives of Geneva; Soulier, Histoire des édits de pacification (Paris, 1682), 22-25.

[1008] Gaberel, Hist. de l'église de Genève, i. (pièces justif.), 203-206. He gives the deliberation of the council, as well as the reply. Lettres franç. de Calvin, ii. 373-378. It needs scarcely to be noticed that the "Sieur Soulier, prêtre," while he parades the royal letter as a convincing proof of the seditious character of the Huguenot ministers, does not deign even to allude to the satisfactory reply. No wonder; so apposite a refutation would have been sadly out of place in a book written expressly to justify the successive steps of the violation of the solemn compacts between the French crown and the Protestants—to prepare the way, in fact, for the formal revocation of the edict of Nantes (three years later) toward which the priests were fast hurrying Louis XIV.

[1009] La Place, Commentaires, 120; Sommaire récit de la calomnieuse accusation de Monsieur le prince de Condé, avec l'arrest de la cour contenant la déclaration de son innocence, in the Mém. de Condé, ii. 383; De Thou, iii. 38.

[1010] The arrêt of parliament of June 13th is given in Histoire ecclés., i. 291-293; Sommaire récit de la calomnieuse accusation de Monsieur le prince de Condé, iii. 391-394. See also La Place, 128-130; De Thou, iii. 50, 51; Journal de Bruslart, Mém. de Condé, i. 39, 40.

[1011] Strange to say, the editor of the Mémoires de Condé in the Collection Michaud-Poujoulat expresses his disbelief of this occurrence; but not only are the historians explicit, but an official statement was drawn up and signed by the secretaries of state, under Charles's orders. This notarial document is inserted in La Place, 139, 140, and in the Histoire ecclésiastique, i. 296, 297; De Thou, iii. 56, gives the wrong date, Aug. 28th. Beza had from the lips of Condé, that very afternoon, an account, which he transmitted the next day to Calvin. Letter of Aug. 25th, apud Baum, iii., App., 47.

[1012] La Place, 121; De Thou, iii. (liv. xxvii.) 40; Mém. de Condé, ii. 24, 25.

[1013] La Place, 121, 122; De Thou, iii. (liv. xxvii.) 40, 41.

[1014] Letter of Beza to Wolf, March 25, 1561, ap. Baum, ii., App., 30, 31; The Journal de Jehan de la Fosse, under May, 1561 (p. 43), has this entry: "Artus Désiré fist amende honorable, tout nud, la torche au poing, dedans le palais, en ung jeudy, 14e du mois, et fut condamné à rester dedans les Chartreux cinq ans au pain et à l'eau: il y fut quatre moys; les ungs disent qu'il s'en fut, les aultres que les Chartreux le firent sortir, craignant les huguenots. Depuis il ne se cacha pas, et se promenoit à Paris."

[1015] "Où il n'a rien entendu qui ne fust bon." Reg. capit. Eccles. Rothom., March 16, 1561, apud Floquet, Hist. du parlement de Normandie, ii. 374, 375.

[1016] "Aliud est Christianum esse quatn Papistam non esse." Letter to Wolf, March 25, 1561, ap. Baum, ubi supra.

[1017] This very year parliament had issued an order, at the commencement of Lent, directing the sick, "permission préalablement obtenue," to purchase the meat they needed of the butcher of the Hôtel-Dieu, who alone was permitted to sell, and who was compelled to submit weekly to the court a record, not only of the permissions granted and the persons to whom he sold, but even of the quantity which each applicant obtained! Registers of Parliament, Feb. 27, 1561, apud Félibien, Histoire de Paris, iv., Preuves, 797.

[1018] Honorat de Savoie, Comte de Villars, had a private grudge to satisfy against the admiral, who had complained to the king of the cruelties which he had perpetrated in Languedoc. La Place, 122.

[1019] La Place, Commentaires, ubi supra; De Thou, iii. (liv. xxvii.) 41-43; Hist. ecclés., i. 287; Huguenot poetical libel in Le Laboureur, Add. to Castelnau, i. 745.

[1020] "Auquel (l'evesque de Valence) il dict qu'il se contentoit de ceste fois, et qu'il n'y retournerois plus." La Place, Commentaires, ubi supra; De Thou, ubi supra.

[1021] La Place, Commentaires, 123, De Thou, iii. (liv. xxvii.) 45. How deep the disappointment felt by the Protestants at the constable's course must have been, can be gathered from the sanguine picture of the prospects of the French Reformation drawn by Languet a couple of months earlier. Arguing from the comparative mildness of Montmorency in the persecutions under Henry II., from the fact that he had allowed no one of his five sons to enter the ecclesiastical state, which offered rare opportunities of advancement, and from the influence which his sons and his three nephews—all favorably inclined to, if not open adherents of the new doctrines—would exert over the old man, he not unnaturally came to this conclusion: "I am, therefore, of opinion that, if the Guises still retain any power, the constable will join Navarre for the purpose of overwhelming them, and will make no opposition to Navarre if he sets on foot a moderate reformation of doctrine." Epist. secr., ii., p. 102.

[1022] La Place and De Thou, ubi supra.

[1023] This document first appears in the Mémoires de Condé, under the title "Sommaire des choses premièrement accordées entre les Ducs de Montmorency Connestable, et De Guyse Grand Maistre, Pairs de France, et le Mareschal Sainct André, pour la Conspiration du Triumvirat, et depuis mises en déliberation à l'entrée du Sacré et Sainct Concile de Trente, et arrestée entre les Parties, en leur privé Conseil faict contre les Hérétiques, et contre le Roy de Navarre, en tant qu'il gouverne et conduit mal les affaires de Charles neufiesme Roy de France, Mineur; lequel est Autheur de continuel accroissement de la nouvelle Secte qui pullule en France." The principal provisions are given by De Thou, iii. (liv. xxix.) 142, 143, under date of 1562, who explicitly states his disbelief of its authenticity. Neither, indeed, does the compiler of the Mém. de Condé vouch for it. Among other objections that have been urged with force against the genuineness of the document, are the following: The improbability that the Triumvirs would mature a plan involving all the Catholic sovereigns of Europe without previously obtaining their consent, of which there is no trace; the inconsistency of the project with the well-known policy and character of the German Emperor Ferdinand; the improbability that the Council of Trent would indorse a plan aimed at the humiliation of Navarre, who, when the council actually reassembled in January, 1562, was completely won over to the Roman party. In favor of the document may be urged: First, that M. Capefigue (Histoire de la réforme, de la ligue, etc., ii. 243-245) asserts: "J'ai trouvé cette pièce, qu'on a crue supposée, en original et signée dans les MSS. Colbert, bibl. du roi." Prof. Soldan, who has devoted an appendix to the first volume of his Gesch. des Prot. in Frankreich, to a discussion of this reported agreement between the Triumvirs, was unsuccessful in finding any trace of such a paper. Secondly, that the Mémoires de Guise, the manuscript of which, according to the statement of the editor, M. Aimé Champollion, fils (Notice sur François de Lorraine, due d'Aumale et de Guise, prefixed to his Mémoires, first published in the Collection Michaud-Poujoulat, 1851, p. 5), is partly in the handwriting of the duke himself, partly in that of his secretary, Millet, insert the "Sommaire" precisely as it stands in the Mémoires de Condé, without any denial of its authenticity. This would appear, at first sight, to settle the question beyond cavil. But it must be borne in mind that many of the mémoires of the sixteenth century are compiled on the plan of including all contemporary papers of importance, whether written by friend or by foe. Frequently the most contradictory narratives of the same event are placed side by side, with little or no comment. This is precisely the case with those of Guise, in which, for example, no less than four accounts—three of them from Huguenot sources—are given of the massacre of Vassy. Now we have the testimony of De Thou (ubi supra) that this agreement, industriously circulated by the Prince of Condé and the Huguenots, made a powerful impression not only in France, but in Germany and all Northern Europe. So important a document, even if a forgery, would naturally find a place in such a collection as the Mémoires of Guise. Altogether the matter is in a singularly interesting position. Could the manuscript seen by M. Capefigue be found and re-examined critically, the truth might, perhaps, be reached. M. Henri Martin, in his excellent Histoire de France, x. 79, note, accepts the document as genuine.

[1024] The "plebe e populo minuto," the Venetian Michiel tell us, "è quello che si vede certo con gran fervenzia e devozione frequentar le chiese, e continuar li riti cattolici." Relations des Amb. Vén. i., 412.

[1025] "Aulcuns desditz ecclésiasticques," is Claude Haton's ingenuous admission respecting his fellow priests of this period, "estoient fort vicieux encores pour lors, et les plus vicieux estoient ceux qui plus resistoient auxditz huguenotz, jusques à mettre la main aux cousteaux et aux armes." Mémoires, i. 129.

[1026] Mémoires de Condé, i. 27.

[1027] "In viginti urbibus aut circiter trucidati fuerunt pii a furiosa plebe." Letter of Calvin to Bullinger, May 24, 1561, apud Baum, ii., App., 33. At Mans, on Lady-Day (March 25th), so serious a riot took place, that the bishop felt compelled to apologize in a letter to Catharine (April 23d), in which he excuses his flock by alleging that they were exasperated beyond endurance by the sight of a Huguenot "assemblée" openly held by day in the "Faubourg St. Jehan," contrary to the royal ordinances—some of the attendants, he asserts, coming out of the meeting armed. His letter is to be found in the Mém. de Condé, ii. 339.

[1028] And was openly denounced by his clergy from the pulpit, in Passion Week, as an "apostate," a "traitor," a "new Judas," etc. Bulletin, xxiii. 84.

[1029] De Thou, iii. (liv. xxviii.) 51, 52; Histoire ecclés., i. 287; La Place, 124; Calvin to Bullinger, Baum, ii., App., 33; Journal de Bruslart, Mém. de Condé, ii. 27. Interesting documents from the municipal records of Beauvais, Bulletin, xxiii. (1874) 84, etc. Letter of Chantonnay, Rheims, May 10, 1561 (Mém. de Condé, ii. 11), who adds: "L'Admiral ha tant peu avec le crédit qu'il ha ver Monsieur de Vendosme [Navarre], que l'on a exécuté deux ou trois de ceulx du peuple; lequel depuis s'est levé de nouveau, et a pendu le bourreau qui feit l'exécution."

[1030] "Car, de toutes les choses, la plus incompatible en ung estat, ce sont deux religions contraires."

[1031] Journal de Bruslart, Mémoires de Condé, i. 26, etc.; Registers of Parliament, ibid., ii. 341, etc., and apud Félibien, Hist. de Paris, Preuves, iv. 798, Arrêt of April 28th and 29th. According to the information that had reached Calvin, twelve had been killed and forty wounded by Longjumeau and his friends (Calvin to Bullinger, ubi supra). The parliamentary registers do not give the precise number. The good curate of S. Barthélemi makes no allusion to any attack, but sets down the loss of the Roman Catholics at three killed and nine wounded. Journal de Jehan de la Fosse, 41. Hubert Languet says seven were killed. Epist. secr., ii. 117.

[1032] Letters patent of Fontainebleau, April 19, 1561, Mém. de Condé, ii. 334, 335; La Place; and Hist. ecclés., ubi supra; De Thou, iii. (liv. xxviii.) 52.

[1033] How the devoted adherents of the Roman church received this edict and its predecessor appears from the Mémoires of Claude Haton. In the city of Provins, a short distance from Paris, one or two preachers reluctantly consented to read it in the churches; but "maistre Barrier," a Franciscan and curate of Sainte Croix, instead of the required proclamation, made these remarks to the people at the commencement of his sermon: "On m'a cejourd'-huy apporté ung mémoire et papier escript, qu'on m'a dict estre la coppie d'un édict du roy, pour vous le publier; et veult-on que je vous dye que les chatz et les ratz doibvent vivre en paix les ungs avec les aultres, sans se rien faire de mal l'ung à l'autre, et que nous aultres Françoys, e'est assavoir les hérétiques et les catholicques, fassions ainsi, et que le roy le veult. Je ne suis crieur ni trompette de la ville pour faire telles publications. Dieu veuille par sa miséricorde avoir pitié de son église et du royaume de France, les deux ensemble sont prestz de tomber en grande ruyne; Dieu veuille bailler bon conseil à nostre jeune roy et inspirer ses gouverneurs à bien faire; ils entrent à leur gouvernement par ung pauvre commencement, mais ce est en punition de noz pechez." Mémoires de Claude Haton, i. 123, 124.

[1034] La Place, 124-126; Histoire ecclés., i. 288, etc.; De Thou, iii. (liv. xxviii.) 52, 53. The remonstrance of parliament was, in point of fact, little more than an echo of the strenuous protest of the Spanish ambassador to the queen mother. See Chantonnay to Catharine de' Medici, April 22, 1561, Mémoires de Condé, ii. 6-10.

[1035] According to Claude Haton, the edict was received with ineffable delight, especially in those cities of the kingdom where there were Huguenot judges. The Catholics were despised. The Huguenots became bold: "En toutes compagnies, assemblées et lieux publicz, ilz huguenotz avoient le hault parler." Despite the prohibition of the employment of insulting terms, they called their adversaries "papaux, idolâtres, pauvres abusez." and "tisons du purgatoire du pape." Mémoires, i. 122. Doubtless a smaller measure of free speech than this would have sufficed to stir up the bile of the curate of Mériot.

[1036] Already, on the 6th of March, Claude Boissière had written to the Genevan reformer from Saintes: "God has so augmented His church that we number to-day by the grace of God thirty-eight pastors in this province" (Saintonge in Western France), "each of us having the care of so many towns and parishes, that, had we fifty more, we should scarcely be able to satisfy half the charges that present themselves." Geneva MSS., apud Bulletin, xiv. (1855) 320, and Crottet, Hist. des égl. réf. de Pons, Gémozac, etc., 57.

[1037] Letter to Bullinger, May 24, 1561, apud Baum, ii., App., 32, and Bonnet, Eng. tr., iv. 190.

[1038] Letter of Gilbert de Vaux, April 5, 1561. MS. in Nat. Lib. of Paris, apud Bulletin, xiv. 321, 322.

[1039] After having examined the churches, convents, etc., the lieutenant, though a Roman Catholic, reported to the Toulouse parliament "qu'il avoit trouvé une telle obéissance en ceste ville que le roy demande à tous ses subjects, de sorte qu'il n'y avoit eu jamais un coup frappé, ne injure dicte aux papistes par ceux de l'Evangile."

[1040] Letter of Du Vignault to M. d'Espeville (Calvin), May 26, 1561, in Geneva MSS., Bulletin, xiv. (1865) 322-324.

[1041] "Ceux de Tholoze sont du tout enragés, car ils ne cessent de brusler les paoures fidèles de jour à aultre. Le trouppeau est fort désolé, et croy qu'est sans pasteur." Letter of La Chasse, Montpellier, June 14, 1561, to M. d'Espeville, Geneva MSS., ubi supra, p. 325.

[1042] La Place, 127, 128; De Thou, iii., liv. xxviii. 53.

[1043] Mémoires de Castelnau, 1. iii., c. 3. The discussion was long, and would have been tedious, had it not turned upon so important a topic. There were 140 members of parliament, and according to its regulations no one was allowed to concur simply in the views of another, but each counsellor was compelled to express his own sentiments, which were then committed to writing. As some of the high dignitaries of state also gave their opinions, there were altogether more than 150 speakers, and parliament met twice a day to listen to them. The Bishop of Paris, after harshly advocating the rekindling of the extinct fires of the estrapade, was compelled to hear in return some plain words from Admiral Coligny, who boldly accused the bishops and priests of being the cause of all the evils from which the Christian world was suffering, while at the same time they instigated a cruel persecution of those who exposed their crimes. The letters of Hubert Languet, who was in Paris at the time, are exceedingly instructive. Epist. secr., ii. 122, 125, etc.

[1044] Or seven, according to Languet, Epist. sec., ii. 130.

[1045] Journal de Bruslart, Mémoires de Condé, i. 40, etc.; Despatches of Chantonnay, Mém. de Condé, ii. 12-15; La Place, 130; Hist. ecclés., i. 293, 294; De Thou, iii. (liv. xxviii.) 54. Cf. Martin, Hist. de France, x. 82, Baum, Theod. Beza, ii. 172, etc., and Soldan, Geschichte des Prot. in Frankreich, i. 428.

[1046] It is styled a "mercuriale" in a contemporary letter of Du Pasquier (Augustin Marlorat), Rouen, July 11, 1561, Bulletin, xiv. (1865) 364: "On dit que la mercuriale est achevée, mais la conclusion n'est pas encores publiée."

[1047] H. Martin, Hist. de France, x. 83.

[1048] The text of the Edict of July is given in Isambert, Recueil gén. des anc. lois fr., xiv. 109-111; Histoire ecclés., i. 294-296; Mém. de Condé, i. 42-45. Cf. La Place, 130, 131; De Thou, iii. 54, 55; Mém. de Castelnau, 1. iii., c. 3.

[1049] "Que son épée ne tiendrait jamais au fourreau quand il serait question da faire sortir effet à cet arrêté." Martin, x. 83.

[1050] Ibid., ubi supra.

[1051] The cathedral alone persisted in holding out a day or two longer, and then made an unwilling sacrifice of its pictures, protesting at the same time that it only wanted peace and friendship.

[1052] Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., i. 530-532.

[1053] Letter to the church of Sauve, July, 1561, Bonnet, Lettres franç., ii. 415-418. It is instructive to note that the Provincial Synod of Sommières took the decisive step of deposing the pastor of Sauve; nor was he pardoned until he had been convinced of his error, and had declared that he had done nothing except through righteous zeal, and in order to preclude many scandals. Geneva MS., apud Bonnet, ubi supra.

[1054] See the royal letters of prorogation of March 25th, Mém. de Condé, ii. 281-284.

[1055] La Place, Commentaires, 140; De Thou, iii. 57; Mém. de Castelnau, 1. iii., c. 4.

[1056] The famous chateau of St. Germain-en-Laye, a favorite residence of the monarchs of the later Valois branch, is situated on the river Seine, a few miles below Paris. Poissy, where the assembly of the prelates convened, was selected on account of its proximity to the court. It is also on the Seine, which, between Poissy and St. Germain, makes a great bend toward the north; across the neck of the peninsula the distance from place to place is only about three miles. Pontoise, deriving its name from its bridge over the river Oise, a tributary of the Seine, lies about eight miles north of St. Germain.

[1057] The origin of the singular designation of this officer—a designation quite unique—is discussed con amore by Chassanée, in that remarkable book, Catalogus Gloriæ Mundi (edition of 1586), lib. xi., c. 5, fol. 239. Chassanée, who was himself of Autun, traces the title and office of vierg back to the Vergobretus of ancient Gallic times. Cæsar, Bell. Gallic, i. 16.

[1058] The curious may find an instructive paragraph in his speech, devoted to a list of onerous taxes bearing in great part, or exclusively, on the people. La Place, 145.

[1059] "Le temps est une créature de Dieu à luy subjecte, de manière que dix mille ans ne sont une minute en la puissance de nostre Dieu." The long speech of M. Bretagne, certainly one of the noblest pleas for freedom of religious worship to be found within the limits of the sixteenth century, is inserted in full in the Recueil des choses mémorables (1565), 620-645, in La Place, liv. vi. 141-150, and in the Hist. ecclés. des églises réformées, i. 298-305. Summary in De Thou, iii. 57, 58.

[1060] Projects somewhat similar had been made, early in the year, in some of the provincial estates. In those of Languedoc, held at Montpellier in March, 1561, Terlon, a "capitoul" of Toulouse, speaking for the "tiers état," advocated the sale of all the secular possessions of the clergy, reserving only a residence for the incumbent, and assigning him a pension equal to his present income, to be paid by the cities of the kingdom. Chabot, a lawyer of Nismes, went further, and, when the clamor of the people had secured the hearing at first denied him, did not hesitate to say that the burdens of the province should be placed upon the shoulders of the priests and monks—whom he stigmatized as ignorant and corrupt—because of the evils they had inflicted upon the people. He even wanted a petition to this effect, signed by thirty syndicates favorable to the reformed religion, to be inserted in the cahier of Languedoc. Mémoires d'Achille Gamon—advocate and consul of Annonay—apud Collection de Mémoires, Michaud et Poujoulat, 611. Some such wholesale confiscation seems even to have entered into the plans of the cabinet. In May, 1561, royal letters were sent to the Bishop of Paris, to the provost, and indeed, throughout France, demanding a return of the true value of all episcopal and other revenues (Mémoires de Condé, i. 27). The object was plain enough. The clergy remonstrated energetically, as may be imagined (Ib., i. 29-39). The Paris clergy had especial recourse to the Cardinal of Lorraine, in a letter of June 3d. Honest Abbé Bruslart, touched to the quick by the suggestion, notes in his quaint journal: "Voilà les incommoditez de la nouvelle religion," etc. (Ib., i. 28).

[1061] "La diversité d'opinion soubstenues par vos subjects ne provient que d'ung grand zelle et affection qu'ils ont au salut de leurs ames."

[1062] La Place, 152; De Thou, iii. 58, 59; Hist. ecclés., i. 306; Garnier, H. de France, xxix. 308, etc., who gives a very full abstract; but Ranke, v. 93-97, publishes from the MS. the hitherto inedited cahier.

[1063] Catharine's own account is given in an important letter to the Bishop of Rennes, written September 14, 1561—five days after the colloquy commenced: "Ayant esté requise, y a déja quelques mois, de la pluspart de la noblesse et des gens du tiers estat de ce Royaume, de faire ouïr lea ministres, qui sont départis en plusieurs villes de cedit Royaume, sur leur Confession de Foy; je fus conseillée par mon frere le Roy de Navarre, les autres Princes du sang, et les Gens du Conseil du Roy Monsieur mon fils, de ce faire; ayant avisé après avoir longuement et meurement délibéré là-dessus, que aux grands troubles ... il n'y avoit meilleur moyen ny plus fructueux pour faire abandonner les dits Ministres et retirer ceux qui leur adherent, que en faissant confondre leur doctrine et montrant et découvrant ce qu'il y a d'erreur et d'hérésie." Le Laboureur, Add. to Castelnau, i. 732, 733.

[1064] Baum, Theod. Beza, ii. 175; Martin, Hist. de France, x. 84. The restriction of the invitation to Frenchmen is referred to by Catharine in a letter of September 14 (Le Laboureur, Add., i. 733): "Ayant ... accordé à ceux desdits Ministres qui seroient nez en France, de comparoittre à Poissy."/hugenots, huguenots, hugenot, huguenot,hugenots, huguenots, hugenot, huguenot,hugenots, huguenots, hugenot, huguenot

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